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Tu rner used a square canvas with a white medications zoloft cheap 100 mg dilantin, absorbent priming of lead white and oil symptoms yeast infection buy genuine dilantin, and planned the work fo r a non-square frame medications elavil side effects order dilantin american express. He sketched in octagonal cut-offs in pencil treatment yellow tongue buy dilantin in united states online, drew a circle with pencil and compasses medications overactive bladder discount 100 mg dilantin with amex, and then painted a more or less circular image. He prudently made use of the corners of the canvas to try out colors, and quite large brush loads of paint survive there, uncon­ taminated by later layers. Figure 5 shows the framed painting, and Plate 35 shows a detail of the lower right corner. The most textured paint, nearly free ofpigment and by now honey colored, proved to be a megilp. The paint dribbling down the tacking margins at an angle suggests Tu rner used a sloping easel, probably the tripod type depicted in his water­ colors. There are very few descriptions of Tu rner painting, but observation of the paintings and cross sections makes it clear that he thinned paint ex­ cessively, until it contracted into islands as it dried (visible in the fo reground); at other times, he mixed paint in drying oil on the palette so rapidly as to leave recognizable blobs ofthe added oil. Almost certainly, Tu rner completed the Dawn of Christianity at the Royal Academy in the three days required of other artists of his era fo r retouching sunken areas or appling varnish. The sky paint was applied rather thickly with a palette knife, as was white impasto in the lower right. Tu rner sometimes modified the sky with opaque scumbles, but rarely glazed it, emphasizing the contrast between the sky and the highly glazed landscape in the fo reground. The middle ground was painted rapidly 180 Historical Painting Techniques, Materials, and Studio Practice Fiure 5. Turner may even have mixed the megilp into the oil paint on the canvas, rather than on the palette. Beeswax and spermaceti wax, added to oil and both fo und in this painting (9), yielded a more flowing medium used to good effect in the more distant trees, though the prominent tree on the right has a more strongly textured trunk painted with megilp. The very thin, later glazes that ran off the edges and soaked into the corners of the absorbent canvas would have soaked less into medium-rich paint. Tu rner used emerald green here (and quite frequently by this date) to provide a stronger contrast with chrome yellows and orange than that provided by an optical green. Curiously, green mixtures of opaque blues and yellows are virtually unknown in his paintings. Megilps (thixotropic medium modifiers) had excellent handling characteristics both fo r impasto and glazing, but a severe tendency to darken, and to cause crack­ ing whenever varnish was applied. Recent studies have shown that megilps can be made successfully from linseed oil cooked with lead acetate or litharge, cooled, and later mixed with mastic spirit varnish (11). Pure megilp samples from the corners of the Dawn of Christianity certainly contain lead and behave when heated like ar­ tificially aged lead acetate megilps made from nineteenth-century recipes. Megilped white paint from this painting and the considerably earlier Dolbad­ er Castle has rather a different chemical composition from pure drying oil (12), being more hydrolyzed and less oxidized, as though a drier were present from the beginning. Megilps are two-component materials whose properties vary significantly as the oil:resin proportion changes from 1:3 to 3:1. Film-forming capability, the tendency ofthe megilp to segregate afterwards, its tackiness, and its ability to absorb more or less dust than oil paint all depend on the exact proportions. Turner, who worked fast and fu riously, and never even paused to grind his pigments finely, must have used a variety of fo rmulations and proportions of megilp, albeit unconsciously. They arise when a modified oil layer is applied to fa irly pure oil, whereupon microwrinkles fo rm in the previously stable film, and the surface later exhibits a rough texture with drying cracks cutting in deeply. Dates of manufa cture of inoranic pigments introduced 1775 1875, with the earliest instance of their usefo und to date in oil paintings at the Ta the Gallery. Callcott, Etty, and other contemporaries of Turner did not have the patience to wait until previous paint had dried before they added another layer, but they did use varnish interlayers so that later paint could be applied safely. The other durable method is to use such slow-drying oil paint that wet working is possible, or to thin the paint so it fo rms a single layer. Instead of allowing the paint layer to grow thick, he scraped it back vigorously and began again, sometimes using paint so wet that the canvas had to be laid flat until it dried. Townsend 183 Reynolds was known to experiment with paint media, and he might be supposed to have tried out new pigments too. Not surprisingly, all five include tra­ ditional pigments such as lead white, ivory black, asphaltum, vermilion, and Naples yellow, while one or more included red lead, orpiment, blue verditer, smalt, ultramarine, and green earth (14). Prussian blue, invented early in the eighteenth century, was used frequently by Reynolds. Reynolds also used Mars red from 1755-1760, and Mars orange, red, and brown in 1781. He used Indian yellow in a work dated to 1788, and wrote about a material that may have been Indian yellow in 1784, two years before it has been noted in the literature (16). While it is true that more paintings by Tu rner than other individual artists have been analyzed, the inference that he was more innovative than his contemporaries is inescapable. Turner used Mars colors frequently, as did many ofhis fe llow British artists, including Constable from circa 1810 (18). In contrast, Arnald, Farington, Hilton, and Callcott used only well-established pigments such as ultramarine, Prussian blue, Naples yel­ low, and vermilion. Artists who used new pigments quite soon after their introduction include the fo llowing: Constable-cobalt blue in 1817-1818, chrome yellow in 1816, and opaque oxide of chromium in 1837 or earlier; Briggs-chrome yellow and orange in 1826; and Mulready-emerald green in 1842 (19). Barium chromate and a pigment tentatively identified as stron­ tium yellow were fo und in a Mulready of 1835. Cadmium yellow has been fo und in a Millais of 1855, and strontium yellow in a Campbell of 1857 (20). The latter included synthetic ultramarine, rarely used before 1850 except by Turner, because it had a poor reputation (21). Whistler used two shades of cadmium yellow regularly from 1864 (the earliest of his works at the Tate), and strontium yellow in two works circa 1864-1871 and in 1872, respectively (22). No examples have yet been fo und of the cobalt violet shades that were available by the end of this period or by 1900. Artists from the time of Reynolds and Romney tended to use lead white with pipe clay or china clay extenders, both fo r priming and paint. Gypsum has been fo und in many paint samples from Reynolds and Wright of Derby in the later eighteenth century (23). But Hunt used it in 1852, with lead white fo r a local imprimatura under the sky of Strayed Sheep (Our English Coasts) and with Prussian blue, presumably supplied as a tube of paler "Antwerp blue. A discussion ofpigments that fe ll out ofuse during this period would be out of place here, but work is continuing in this area (24). Analyses of the paint media used by the artists mentioned here also continue, but as yet there are insuficient results fo r comparisons between Turner and many ofhis contem­ poranes. Acknowledgments the Turner research was fu nded by the Leverhulme Trust and supported by the Tate Gallery, through Stephen Hackney. My thanks to the following people: Brian 184 Historical Painting Techniques, Materials, and Studio Practice Kennedy of the Ulster Museum, Viola Pemberton-Piggott of the Royal Collection and Helen Valentine of the Royal Academy, who arranged the examination of the Turners in their collections, Anna Southall and Gillian Osmond, who pointed out interesting nineteenth-century pigment samples, and Stephen Hackney, Tom Learner, Rica Jones, and Anna Southall fo r editing. These Whistler canvases are in the Birnie Philip Gift, Hunterian Art Gallery, University of Glasgow 7. Paintings in the Hunterian Art Gallery, Glasgow fr om the Birnie Philip bequest were also examined in detail and in some cases analyzed (1). Paintings in the National Gallery of Art, Wa shington were examined in conjunction with their conservation rec­ ords. Several other works were examined or viewed in isolation; finally, the paintings in the Whistler Exhibition (1994) were inspected on arrival at the Tate Gallery (2). This interpretation may be useful in understanding the present condition of his works and in helping to decide appropriate conservation treatments. It is also of general interest fo r the viewer wishing to appreciate a particular painting. Supports From the 1880s, Whistler frequently carried small panels fo r sketching, fo ­ cusing particularly on street scenes, views of the sea, and figure studies. The scale of these works was small because he painted distant views approximately the size that they appeared to him. For his major finished paintings and portraits, however, he worked on canvas, which provided a texture he liked. He often chose quite heavy canvases and applied thin grounds in order to preserve their texture. On other occasions he might paint on a fine canvas, then have the painting glue-lined onto a coarser one very soon after completion or even during the time of painting. He did this quite deliberately and there is evidence that he wished to imitate the lined appearance of old master paint­ ings (3). His later work, such as Mother of Pearl and Silver: the Andalusian (1888-1900), illustrates this desire to express the canvas texture. He came to London shortly after the Pre-Raphaelites had taken the use of smooth white grounds and intense color to extremes; some of his early grounds appear to be the white, commercially available grounds of the mid-century. Whistler frequently applied a light gray impri­ matura of oil paint on top of the ground to allow him to paint directly in a mid-ground technique. This technique is most easily observed in his small sketches on panel, fo r example, No the in Red: the Siesta (1883-884) (Fig. James Whistler, Note in Red: After 1871 he increasingly used darker gray, exploiting the ground to develop the Siesta, 1883 1884. A photograph ofhis studio reveals that he had a black cloth 186 Historical Painting Techniques, Materials, alld Studio Practice Figure 2. Dark grounds were first successfully exploited by Whistler to produce his nocturnes of the 1870s. Similarly, fo r his watercolors, designs, and etchings, Whistler also sought old mid-toned or dark papers to fo rm the basis of his images. To make dark grounds, he mixed ivory black and lead white, fr equently mod­ ified with other pigments. Walter Greaves describes his ground as a very ab­ sorbent distemper, indicating that at this stage Whistler was not only modi­ fing commercial grounds but also preparing his own (4). This ground consists of ivory black, chrome or cadmium yellow, and small amounts of lead white. Brushes, paints, palettes, and other these have been examined and analyzed during the present study (5). Courtesy of the Hunterian short time (1898-1901), Whistler taught at the Academie Carmen. Colors were laid out in a specific order across the top of the palette from left to right: Prussian blue, cobalt blue, raw umber, burnt sienna, raw sienna, yellow ochre, a large blob of lead white, vermilion, Venetian red, Indian red, and black. Flesh tones were mixed just below the white, using the appropriate surrounding colors, and in turn these tones were modified by the black which was spread in a broad band curving downward. He then worked out all the colors and tones fo r his composition on his palette before placing any paint on his canvases. Menpes confirms the attention to the palette but attributes to him the use of more intense lemon and cad­ mium yellows placed next to the ochre, and the use of rose madder instead of the Ve netian red (7). Whistler kept a great number ofbrushes, many of which he used at a single sitting in order to prevent his dominant hues from becoming fu rther mixed.

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Professional collaboration support for children with cancer and their families focus group interview a source of information and knowledge – professionals’ perspectives. Development of a measure to assess the perceived illness experience after treatment for cancer. Examining the psychological consequences of surviving childhood cancer: systematic review as a research method in pediatric psychology. Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire as a Dimensional Measure of Child Mental Health. Health status and health-related quality of life in adolescent survivors of cancer in childhood. Social support and psychological distress of parents of pediatric cancer patients. Quality of life among children and adolescents in a psychiatric outpatient sample. Quality of life as reported by school-aged children and their parents: a cross sectional survey. Changes in quality of life among Norwegian school children: a six-month follow-up study. Quality of life and mental health in children and adolescents: Child and parent perspectives. Quality of Life as reported by children and their parents: a comparison between students and child psychiatric outpatients. Agreement between parent and child report of quality of life in children with attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Children’s Oncology Group Nursing Discipline Clinical Practice Subcommittee/Survivorship in collaboration with the Late Effects Committee. International comparison of contributions to psychosocial research on survivors of childhood cancer: Past and future considerations. Report on Epidemiologic and Therapeutic Results From Registries and Working Groups. Challenges after curative treatment for childhood cancer and long-term follow up of survivors. Health related quality of life in pediatric bone marrow transplant survivors: according to whom. Quality of life in long-term childhood cancer survivors and the relation of late effects and subjective well-being. Children in remission from acute lymphoblastic leukaemia: mental health, psychosocial adjustment parental functioning. The quality of life for the young adult with neurodisability: overview and reprise. A Comparison of Parent and Adolescent Reports Describing the Health-related Quality of Life of Adolescents Treated for Cancer. Health-related quality of life among child and adolescent survivors of childhood cancer. Patterns of care and survival for children with acute lymphoblastic leukaemia diagnosed between 1980 and 1994. The proxy problem: child report versus parent report in Health-related quality of Life research. Development of a measure of the health-related quality of life of children in public care. Parent-child agreement across child health related quality of life instruments: a review of the literature. Health-related quality of life measurement in pediatric clinical practice: An appraisal and precept for future research and application. Concordance between caregiver and child reports of child’s oral health-related quality of life. Evaluating Quality of Life in Children with Cancer Using Children’s Self-Reports and Parent-Proxy report. Agreement Between Pediatric Brain Tumor Patients and Parent Proxy Reports Regarding the Pediatric Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-Childhood Brain Tumor Survivors Questionnaire, Version 2. Psychological status in childhood cancer survivors: a report from the childhood cancer survivor study. Global Health Promotion Initiative Health development is a concept that goes beyond borders. Increasing numbers of researchers around the world are reacting toward a single sided concentration on disease avoidance in health work and health research. The Research Centre for Health Promotion and Resources, together with our partners, are working at global, regional and country levels to improve the effectiveness and preciseness of health promotion action. In the Global Health Research Initiative we work to strengthen an individual’s health resources, collective capacities and assets, and also to give results that can impact national systems and strategies for health promoting action. The challenges and possibilities in health promotion show similarities but also important differences in all settings and ecological environments. At all levels we and our partners jointly assess and analyse information, prioritize the interventions, build an evidence-based action plan, monitor the health situation and the health sector response. The example is a research initiative which is carried through to get information on female health in the capital – Port Moresby. The research is planned to be the first part of a long lasting engagement for health promotion in Papua, New Guinea. The second example, which is research in Uganda is still on the planning stage – but in the phase just before the project is expected to begin. The project describes how both the teaching institutions and the authorities in Uganda can have direct access to information from research that can direct better health promotion strategies and action. These assessments indicate that there is a lack of both political and technical preparedness in Uganda. The political preparedness largely stems from the lack of policy direction, and this affects the country’s ability to plan and mobilize resources required to address the burden of lifestyle diseases in the country. In addition to the above, the paper focuses on the level of technical capacity in the country. There seems to be lack of adequate human resources in terms of skills and competencies to respond to the burden of lifestyle diseases in the country and this comes with a number of dilemmas. In the second part of the paper we argue for the need to introduce health promotion research in order to guide positive health policy and practice. Introduction In Africa, the state of preparedness with which countries have to address life style diseases can best be described as in both a political and technical slumber. It is in a political slumber because most countries in Africa, Uganda inclusive, lack documented policies about how to address life style diseases, despite the fact that politicians are supposed to lead the country in the policy making process (Jasson, 2011). There are several statements within Uganda Ministry of Health Reports that seem to indicate that the country has a great deal of concern about the links between ill-health and impoverishment, and this has placed health at the center of development (Russell, 2004). In addition to this narrow focus in defining ill-health, the focus has to be framed in such a way that good health is the end product instead of seeing the absence of disease as the sole outcome variable (Brundtland 2002). Because of this lacuna, there are no strategic/systematic programs geared towards enhancing health. Hence, Public Health practice in Uganda lacks efforts aimed at improving welfare and quality-of-life and disease prevention. The main focus within the public health domain is promoting curative options/interventions. Yet, there is a need for people to change their focus, as well as have more control of their own health and therefore find themselves enabled to do more with their life-style diseases: this is a strong and growing concern today. However, the resources available are those that are routinely allocated to heath facilities for management of ailments (including those related to lifestyle). In addition, there are no direct allocations within the health facility budgets that are meant for prevention of life style diseases. One of the largest studies that have ever been conducted in Uganda that is known to the 146 authors is that of Parkin et al. This study indicated that there was an overall increase in the risk of cancer in both sexes in Kyadondo County. Among other cancers, this study revealed that the incidence rates of cancers of the breast and prostate increased 4. The study concluded that overall, there was an increase in the cases of cancer in the review period in both men and women particularly those common in the “Western” world (lung, prostate, large bowel and breast). Despite its limitations since the study methodology was a review of records at the Uganda cancer registry and not a population based study this study indicates that cancer is a growing problem in the country. In terms of diabetes, in 2003, at Mulago hospital (the country’s national referral hospital) there were 300,000 recorded cases of diabetic patients alone (Adome, 2007). However, despite its limitations, the study provides some evidence that diabetes is currently a public health issue in the country. Adome (2007) also noted that over a period of 6 years, the cases of hypertension in Mulago hospital increased from 2,777 in 2001 to 4,780 in 2006. And, in 2005, 109 patients were admitted to Mulago hospital with a clinical stroke as compared to only 60 admitted in the same period in 1999 (Adome, 2007). Discussion Political and Policy inadequacies and the possible dilemmas Midgley et al. Jansson (2011) argues that policies should help to define problems and show the extent of the problem. Without any policy in place as regards this problem, it is not surprising that the extent and magnitude of life styles diseases in Uganda is unknown. The country relies on the few statistics from hospital-based studies but these cannot be relied upon to understand the magnitude and complexity connected to the increasing development of lifestyle diseases in the country. Such an approach to a challenge is normally defined as muddling through (Parsons, 2002). Service programs should be created and based on a well-defined need and methodologies which address them should be done so on a clearly defined goal found in the policy documents (Midgley, 2009). So, in the absence of clear policies, the country cannot claim that it has either clear service programs or clear methodologies to address life style diseases in the country. Policies normally define resources needed for service delivery in any particular field. In the absence of a policy on life style diseases, Uganda cannot know the cost of this burden to the population and neither can the country know the amount of funds and other resources required to respond to the challenge posed by life style diseases not today, not in the short term, and not in the long term. And, it is possible that by the time Uganda hears the wakeup call and eventually arises from its slumber, this subsector (life style diseases) will have become a bottomless pit.

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The currency indicator made visible to medicine 369 discount dilantin american express all the unfavorable effects that interventionist trade union policies had on the market mechanism (the inherent weaknesses of which medicine university safe 100 mg dilantin, including the trade cycle medications covered by medicaid best 100mg dilantin, were taken for granted) counterfeit medications 60 minutes generic 100mg dilantin amex. Indeed medicine reaction purchase dilantin 100mg free shipping, the Utopian nature of a market society cannot be better il lustrated than by the absurdities in which the commodity fiction in regard to labor must involve the community. The strike, this normal bargaining weapon of industrial action, was more and more fre quently felt to be a wanton interruption of socially useful work, which, at the same time, diminished the social dividend out of which, ulti mately, wages must come. Sympathy strikes were resented, general Popular Government and Market Economy [ 239 ] strikes were regarded as a threat to the existence of the community. Actually, strikes in vital services and public utilities held the citizens to ransom while involving them in the labyrinthine problem of the true functions of a labor market. Labor is supposed to find its price on the market, any other price than that so established being uneconomical. As long as labor lives up to this responsibility, it will behave as an ele ment in the supply of that which it is, the commodity "labor," and will refuse to sell below the price which the buyer can still afford to pay. Consistently followed up, this means that the chief obligation of labor is to be almost continually on strike. The proposition could not be outbidden for sheer absurdity, yet it is only the logical inference from the commodity theory of labor. The source of the incongruity of the ory and practice is, of course that labor is not really a commodity, and that if labor was withheld merely in order to ascertain its exact price (just as an increase in supply of all other commodities is withheld in similar circumstances) society would very soon dissolve for lack of sustenance. It is remarkable that this consideration is very rarely, if ever, mentioned in the discussion of the strike issue on the part of lib eral economists. Returning to reality: the strike method of fixing wages would be disastrous in any type of society, not to mention our own, which prides itself on its utilitarian rationality. Actually, the worker has no security in his job under a system of private enterprise, a circumstance which involves a grave deterioration in his status. Add to this the threat of mass unemployment, and the function of trade unions be comes morally and culturally vital to the maintenance of minimum standards for the majority of the people. By inherent necessity the root problems of market society reappeared: interventionism and currency. Economic liberalism and socialist interventionism turned upon the different answers given to them. Economic liberalism made a supreme bid to restore the self regulation of the system by eliminating interventionist policies which obstructed the freedom of markets for land, labor, and money. It un dertook no less than to solve, in an emergency, the secular problem in [ 240 ] the Great Transformation volved in the three fundamental principles of free trade, a free labor market, and a freely functioning gold standard. It became, in effect, the spearhead of a heroic attempt to restore world trade, remove all avoidable hindrances to the mobility of labor, and reconstruct stable exchanges. For unless con fidence in the currencies was restored, the mechanism of the market could not function, in which case it was illusory to expect govern ments to refrain from protecting the lives of their people by all the means at their disposal. In the nature of things, these means were, pri marily, tariffs and social laws designed to secure food and employ ment, that is, precisely the type of intervention which made a self regulating system unworkable. There was also another, more immediate, reason to put the resto ration of the international monetary system first: in the face of disor ganized markets and unstable exchanges international credit was play ing an increasingly vital part. Before the Great War international capital movements (other than those connected with long-term in vestments) merely helped to keep the balance of payment liquid, but were strictly limited even in this function by economic considera tions. Credit was given only to such as seemed deserving of confidence on business grounds. Now the position was reversed: debts had been created on political grounds such as reparations, and loans were given on semipolitical grounds, in order to make reparation payments pos sible. But loans were also given for reasons of economic policy, in or der to stabilize world prices or to restore the gold standard. The credit mechanism was being used by the relatively sound part of world econ omy to bridge the gaps in the relatively disorganized parts of that economy, irrespective of the conditions of production and trade. Bal ances of payment, budgets, exchanges were made to balance artificially in a number of countries with the help of a supposedly all-powerful international credit mechanism. But this mechanism itself was based on the expectation of a return to stable exchanges, which again was synonymous with a return to gold. An elastic band of amazing strength helped to maintain the semblance of unity in a dissolving economic system; but whether the band would stand the strain de pended upon a timely return to gold. Had the aim not been intrinsically impossible, it would have been surely attained, so able, sustained, and single-minded was the attempt. As matters Popular Government and Market Economy [241 ] stood, no intervention was probably more disastrous in its results than that of Geneva. Just because it always appeared to be almost successful, it aggravated enormously the effects of the ultimate failure. Between 1923, when the German mark was pulverized within a few months, and the beginning of 1930, when all the important currencies of the world were back to gold, Geneva used the international credit mechanism to shift the burden of the incompletely stabilized economies of Eastern Europe, first, to the shoulders of the Western victors, second, from there to the even broader shoulders of the United States of America. During the 1920s, according to Ge neva, questions of social organization had to be wholly subordinated to the needs of the restoration of the currency. Deflation was the pri mary need; domestic institutions had to adjust as best they might. For the time being, even the restoration of free internal markets and of the liberal state had to be postponed. For in the words of the Gold Delega tion, deflation had failed "to affect certain classes of goods and ser vices, and failed, therefore, to bring about a stable new equilibrium. Primacy of exchanges involved no less a sacrifice than that of free markets and free governments—the two pillars of liberal capitalism. Geneva thus represented a change in aim, but no change in method: while the inflationary governments condemned by Geneva subordinated the stability of the currency to stability of incomes and employment, the deflationary governments put in power by Geneva used no fewer interventions in order to subor dinate the stability of incomes and employment to the stability of the * Polanyi, K. In 1932 the Report of the Gold Delegation of the League of Nations declared that with the return of the exchange uncertainty the main monetary achievement of the past decade had been eliminated. What the report did not say was that in the course of these vain defla tionary efforts free markets had not been restored though free govern ments had been sacrificed. Though opposed in theory to intervention ism and inflation alike, economic liberals had chosen between the two and set the sound-currency ideal above that of nonintervention. Yet such a course of action tended to spread the crisis, it burdened fi nance with the unbearable strain of massive economic dislocation, and it heaped up the deficits of the various national economies to the point where a disruption of the remnants of international division of labor became inevitable. The stubbornness with which economic lib erals, for a critical decade, had, in the service of deflationary policies, supported authoritarian interventionism, merely resulted in a deci sive weakening of the democratic forces which might otherwise have averted the fascist catastrophe. Great Britain and the United States— masters not servants of the currency—went off gold in time to escape this peril. Socialism is, essentially, the tendency inherent in an industrial civ ilization to transcend the self-regulating market by consciously subor dinating it to a democratic society. It is the solution natural to indus trial workers who see no reason why production should not be regulated directly and why markets should be more than a useful but subordinate trait in a free society. From the point of view of the com munity as a whole, socialism is merely the continuation of that en deavor to make society a distinctively human relationship of persons which in Western Europe was always associated with Christian tradi tions. From the point of view of the economic system, it is, on the con trary, a radical departure from the immediate past, insofar as it breaks with the attempt to make private money gains the general incentive to productive activities, and does not acknowledge the right of private individuals to dispose of the main instruments of production. This is, ultimately, why the reform of capitalist economy by socialist parties is difficult even when they are determined not to interfere with the prop erty system. For the mere possibility that they might decide to do so undermines that type of confidence which in liberal economy is vital, namely, absolute confidence in the continuity of titles to property. Popular Government and Market Economy [ 243 ] While the actual content of property rights might undergo redefini tion at the hands of legislation, assurance of formal continuity is es sential to the functioning of the market system. Since the Great War two changes have taken place which affect the position of socialism. First, the market system proved unreliable to the point of almost total collapse, a deficiency that had not been expected even by its critics; second, a socialist economy was established in Rus sia, representing an altogether new departure. Though the conditions under which this venture took place made it inapplicable to Western countries, the very existence of Soviet Russia proved an incisive influ ence. True, she had turned to socialism in the absence of developed industries, general literacy, and democratic traditions—all three of which according to Western ideas, were preconditions of socialism. This made her special methods and solutions inapplicable elsewhere, but did not prevent socialism from becoming an inspiration. In quiet times such a suspicion would have been unjustified; socialist working-class parties were, on the whole, com mitted to the reform of capitalism, not to its revolutionary overthrow. And the very hint would suffice to throw markets into confusion and start a universal panic. Under conditions such as these the routine conflict of interest be tween employers and employees took on an ominous character. While a divergence of economic interests would normally end in compro mise, the separation of the economic and the political spheres in soci ety tended to invest such clashes with grave consequences to the com munity. The employers were the owners of the factories and mines and thus directly responsible for carrying on production in society (quite apart from their personal interest in profits). In principle, they would have the backing of all in their endeavor to keep industry going. On the other hand the employees represented a large section of society; their interests also were to an important degree coincident with those [ 244 ] the Great Transformation of the community as a whole. They were the only available class for the protection of the interests of the consumers, of the citizens, of human beings as such, and, under universal suffrage, their numbers would give them a preponderance in the political sphere. However, the legis lature, like industry, had its formal functions to perform in society. Its members were entrusted with the forming of the communal will, the direction of public policy, the enactment of long-term programs at home and abroad. No complex society could do without functioning legislative and executive bodies of a political kind. A clash of group in terests that resulted in paralysing the organs of industry or state— either of them, or both—formed an immediate peril to society. Labor entrenched itself in parliament where its numbers gave it weight, capitalists built indus try into a fortress from which to lord the country. Popular bodies an swered by ruthlessly intervening in business, disregarding the needs of the given form of industry. Eventually, the moment would come when both the economic and the political systems were threatened by complete paralysis. Fear would grip the people, and leadership would be thrust upon those who offered an easy way out at whatever ultimate price. At the same time, the degenerative character of the fas cist solution was evident. It offered an escape from an institutional deadlock which was essentially alike in a large number of countries, and yet, if the remedy were tried, it would everywhere produce sick ness unto death. The fascist solution of the impasse reached by liberal capitalism can be described as a reform of market economy achieved at the price of the extirpation of all democratic institutions, both in the industrial and in the political realm. The economic system which was in peril of disruption would thus be revitalized, while the people themselves were subjected to a reeducation designed to denaturalize the individ ual and make him unable to function as the responsible unit of the body politic* this reeducation, comprising the tenets of a political re ligion that denied the idea of the brotherhood of man in all its forms, was achieved through an act of mass conversion enforced against re calcitrants by scientific methods of torture. The appearance of such a movement in the industrial countries of the globe, and even in a number of only slightly industrialized ones, should never have been ascribed to local causes, national mentalities, or historical backgrounds as was so consistently done by contempo raries. Fascism had as little to do with the Great War as with the Ver sailles Treaty, with Junker militarism as with the Italian temperament. The movement appeared in defeated countries like Bulgaria and in victorious ones like Jugoslavia, in countries of Northern tempera ment like Finland and Norway and of Southern temperament like * Polanyi, K. In fact, there was no type of background—of religious, cultural, or national tradition—that made a country immune to fascism, once the conditions for its emer gence were given.

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